The conservative movement is being split over the idea of whether we should or should not back an Article V Convention for the purpose of amending the constitution. I am at great disadvantage on this question because I cannot tell my friends what they wish to hear. On the other hand, I am at a great advantage because I am telling them the truth, and for people of virtue the truth has a power all of its own. Here then is my testimony and findings of fact in this matter for your consideration:
Most of the debate over whether we should pursue Mark Levin's plan for a Convention centers on the question of whether such a convention can be "hijacked" for purposes beyond the scope intended by those grassroots people who first got the ball rolling on it. Of course it can. The idea that such an attractive target, with so much power at stake in one central location, will remain confined strictly to the wishes of those back home who originated the idea, is completely unreasonable. The chances of a hi-jack may be low, or they may be high, but they will not be zero. I think they will be high. As a rule, the more power you have at stake in a distant central location, the greater the chances that this power will be used in a way not anticipated by or agreed to by those far away from that location. This is the whole problem of Washington in a nutshell.
Phyllis Schlafly and others point out that the convention which produced our present constitution was itself a "runaway convention." It was originally authorized by Congress only and solely to suggest amendments to the then-existing constitution, called the "Articles of Confederation". The Continental Congress did not give the delegates any authority to produce an entirely new compact. On the pro-convention side, men like Michael Farris attempt to dismiss Schafly's concerns. Farris' highly deceptive arguments are dealt with here.
If that link is not enough to convince you, consider that in the 1787 convention two-thirds of New York's delegation left when they realized that the convention had "gone rogue" and was exceeding their authority in writing a new constitution rather than suggesting amendments for the then-existing one. Here is the report of those two delegates where they explain just that. If any of you are wondering which side is telling you the truth about this issue, those two short links, the one in this paragraph and the one which ends the paragraph above, should tell you all you need to know. It is then up to you if you want to side with those who are telling you the truth, or those who are not.
Levin sells readers on the idea that James Madison, considered the "father of the Constitution", included Article V as some sort of "fail safe" if people lost control of their government. The truth is that Madison was a federalist. One, to his credit, who accepted that the Constitution we wound up with gave the central government less power than he would have liked, but a federalist never-the-less. His passages in the Federalist Papers that Levin cites are explanations of what an Article V convention would be like, not an endorsement of an article V convention. If you want to know how Madison really felt about a "General Convention" which was similar to though not necessarily the same as an an Article V convention, then look to his letter to one G. L. Turberville in Nov. of 1788:
"3. If a General Convention were to take place for the avowed and sole purpose of revising the Constitution, it would naturally consider itself as having a greater latitude than the Congress appointed to administer and support as well as to amend the system; it would consequently give greater agitation to the public mind; an election into it would be courted by the most violent partizans on both sides; it wd probably consist of the most heterogeneous characters; would be the very focus of that flame which has already too much heated men of all parties; would no doubt contain individuals of insidious views, who under the mask of seeking alterations popular in some parts but inadmissible in other parts of the Union might have a dangerous opportunity of sapping the very foundations of the fabric. Under all these circumstances it seems scarcely to be presumable that the deliberations of the body could be conducted in harmony, or terminate in the general good. Having witnessed the difficulties and dangers experienced by the first Convention, which assembled under every propitious circumstance, I should tremble for the result of a Second, meeting in the present temper of America and under all the disadvantages I have mentioned."
So while Levin is going around selling this thing as Madison's provision for the people to take back a wayward federal government, Madison himself thought a similar convention would be a disaster. As a federalist, he much preferred that any changes go through Congress. The option to go through the states to call a convention was an attempt to peel off supporters of the George Mason position that there should be a way to amend the constitution which completely by-passed Congress. Mason lost that one, and many others.
Madison and the other federalists stole a march on the anti-federalists when drafting Article V. It is Congress which gets to issue the call to convention which produces whatever amendments the states are even allowed to consider. It is they who decide whether those amendments are to ratified by "conventions" or by the state legislatures.
Who decides who gets to be a delegate at the amendments convention? The article is silent on that, but it does say Congress is giving the call, and it will take only one federal employee (a judge) to determine that they get to decide. Do you think I will get to be a delegate under that scenario? Do you think you will be? We will see conventions run by "community organizers" before we see that.
Some Indiana Senator thinks he can use state law to insure that delegates to an Article V convention stay within the state-mandated call to convention. That is an absurd vanity. Congress, and Congress alone, is authorized by the Constitution to give the call to convention, and there is every reason to believe that any federal judges who would decide the matter would rule that what the Constitution itself says on the matter would trump Indiana law. We discovered a decade or so ago that Arkansas cannot limit the terms of Congressmen because judges ruled that the federal constitution does not explicitly permit them to do so. In the same way it is extremely probable that federal judges will rule that states cannot limit the purview of Article V convention delegates. Indeed the case is even stronger for that because the Constitution is not just silent as to who has the power to define the terms of the convention, but explicitly says that Congress is to issue the call.
If any amendment, any words on paper, really could turn dishonest men into honest ones then the plan will still fail because the dishonest men get to decide on what amendments may be considered for ratification, and to some unknown extent even who votes to ratify those words into the constitution. Even if the conventions in the states are not picked by Congress, what those conventions get to vote on is decided by a convention which will be.
OK, so the risk of having an Article V Convention is not zero, the risk may even be high, but if the potential reward is also high couldn't that justify the high risk? Perhaps. But the potential reward is not high. No matter how well he sells it, even if Levin got every amendment he is pushing ratified into the Constitution it would not fundamentally solve any of our government's problems. I have broken down the policy value of four of his amendments, but the one on taxation is most instructive because the math is so clear. Read this analysis of the policy impact of his suggested amendment on taxation and then decide if you think he is selling real answers or false hope. It is the same on the others. No monetary proposal which leaves the Federal Reserve system unscathed will fundamentally solve any of our problems in this vital area of government.
There then, are enough of the facts of the matter so that an honest person might distinguish between who is offering you hard truth and who is selling false hope. I know that people are anxious right now, and this is the political equivalent of a "get rich quick" scheme. We don't have to do the hard work of turning over our state legislature from the sellouts who gave us Obamacare and called it another name. We don't have to purge our federal delegation who consistently vote against our interests. We don't have to purge our political party, or God forbid, sever our ties and quit lending our good name to one of the two political gangs which have bankrupted our nation. No, we can skip all of that hard work. We don't have to cut our expenses, we don't have to work harder and get more income. We need only give our account information to this nice salesperson who offers us this way to escape from our dilemma without having to make all of those hard choices.
This is an enticing idea, but its not the truth. We are going to have to make some hard choices. We did not get in this mess in one year or ten and we are not going to get out of it in one year or ten either. We have a lot of hard work ahead of us, but if we will honor and work for what is true we can, by the grace of God, do it. But we have to love the truth enough to embrace it even when it involves some pain. We have to hate lies enough to reject them even when they sound so sweet and relatively easy. This, like much of life, is not just a choice, its a test of character.